For a guy who doesn't vote, Larry Bartels sure knows how to get
himself in a political tangle. True, he never intended to thrust
himself into the contentious debate over racial fairness in public
office. And he certainly didn't plan to put himself at the center of
the first major redistricting case of the decade.
Three decades ago, as a young man in his early 30s, John H. Chichester
left Virginia's Democratic Party because he thought it had become too
friendly to big government. Fifteen years ago, at the mid-point of the
Reagan years in Washington, he ran for lieutenant governor as a Reagan
supporter and spokesman for his party's conservative wing.
Under attack by the feds, the insurance companies they regulate and
the consumers they're supposed to protect, state insurance
commissioners are running out of friends.
Last winter, when Elian Gonzalez went to visit Walt Disney World in
Orange County, Florida, county workers got a chance to see what a
media pile-on looks like. Turns out, it was just a preview.
Judy Martz, soon to become Montana's first woman governor, likes to
wear a turtle pin on her blouse. It's a symbol, she says, of her
motto: "Behold the turtle. He only goes forward when his neck's stuck
out." But as Martz might now be the first to tell you, sometimes not
sticking your neck out gets you further.
Two years ago, Bill Sizemore got drubbed in Oregon's gubernatorial election. Running as a Republican against the incumbent Democrat, John Kitzhaber, he didn't even attract a third of the vote.
Connecticut's capital city seemed on the verge of a comeback, but the
recovery has largely stalled. The problem may be the structure of its
government.
Almost half a century ago, after he'd gotten home from the Korean War, Tom Coleman found himself selling chemical fertilizer to the farmers of south Georgia.
At first glance, Michael Porter's key insight, that the ability to compete is the key to business success, doesn't sound all that relevant to state and local policy.
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